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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto—Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman

Midnight's Children

The relationship between Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman is a contest over who may govern Pakistan after the 1970 election. Their negotiations begin amid sharply unequal electoral results; when those talks fail, Bhutto and the military leadership turn from an offered settlement to force. The novel links their political opposition to the rupture between Pakistan’s eastern and western wings, while Saleem’s account makes that national crisis part of his own entanglement with history.

Electoral Imbalance and Political Stakes

The background to the confrontation is the election’s division of power. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman’s Awami League won 160 of the 162 seats in the East Wing, while Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party won 81 constituencies in the West Wing. The narrator stresses the contrast: Mujib had a decisive electoral mandate in the east, while Bhutto commanded substantial but geographically separate support in the west. The result made the question of forming a government inseparable from the country’s division into two wings, separated by the landmass of India.

The conflict appears not only as a contest between two leaders but as a crisis in the idea holding Pakistan together. In Saleem’s interpretation, religion had served as the glue joining the distant wings; the electoral struggle exposed how precarious that unity was when political authority could not be agreed upon. His comparison between the country’s divided geography and the divide between past and present belongs to his retrospective, metaphorical narration, rather than to a neutral account of the leaders’ private intentions.

Negotiations and Mutual Distrust

Before the talks broke down, Yahya Khan offered Mujib immediate discussions with himself and Bhutto in an effort to resolve the political impasse. The arrangement placed Bhutto directly in negotiations over whether Mujib’s electoral victory would translate into government. The narrative does not supply a detailed transcript of their bargaining or establish the private calculations of either leader; instead, it emphasizes the gap between the appearance of an offer and the outcome that followed.

In Saleem’s account, Bhutto and Yahya both become irritated by Mujib’s insistence on his right to form the new government. That framing makes the failure of negotiation a turning point: the East Wing’s electoral claim is not resolved through an agreed transfer of authority. On March 25, 1971, Bhutto and Yahya abruptly ended their talks with Mujib and returned to the West Wing. The narrator sets that decision against the apparent possibility of immediate discussions, making the withdrawal itself the decisive political action.

From Political Standoff to Military Action

The breakdown of the talks is followed by the military operation in Dacca. On March 15, CUTIA units had been sent there in civilian clothing, alongside a much larger deployment of West Wing troops also dressed as civilians. At the time, Saleem and his fellow recruits were not told the destination’s purpose. After the negotiations collapsed on March 25, Brigadier Iskandar returned to their barracks, the uniforms and dog collars were issued again, and the recruits were ordered to prepare for action. He then disclosed that the mission was directed against Mujib.

That sequence gives the Bhutto–Mujib relationship a concrete consequence beyond the negotiation table. The troops’ return to uniform and the revelation of their target show how the political dispute moved into military action. Saleem says that he and the tracking unit were selected to locate Mujib, using one of Mujib’s old shirts to follow his scent. In the same account, Mujib proclaimed Bangladesh after the talks with Bhutto and Yahya broke down. The narrative thus places the declaration of independence and the coercive operation in immediate relation, without presenting the leaders’ confrontation as a private feud detached from the fate of the country.

Narrative Meaning and Limits

Saleem makes the political rupture part of his own story by claiming that he remained connected to the events of 1971 even during a period of withdrawal and amnesia. His account treats the division of Pakistan as more than a change of government: it becomes a national counterpart to his own sense of separation from history. That analogy is explicitly the narrator’s interpretation, and the article’s account of the leaders’ relationship rests on the political events he reports rather than on independent access to their thoughts.

The relationship therefore changes in the narrative from a negotiation over electoral authority into a confrontation whose consequences include military intervention and Bangladesh’s declaration of independence. Bhutto’s and Mujib’s positions are set against each other through the election results, the failed talks, and the decision to proceed by force. The novel does not offer a full account of what either leader said in private or reduce the crisis to one man’s motives; instead, it shows how an unresolved contest over representation and government becomes a rupture in the state itself.